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Sand Creek MassacreWild West | 4 comments | Print This Post | Email This Post
There is not even approximate agreement on how many Indians were killed at Sand Creek. In his second report to General Curtis (sent December 16, 1864), Colonel Chivington said,’Between 500 and 600 Indians were left dead upon the field.’ A Captain Booth ‘counted’ 69 dead, and Corporal Amos Miksch noted 123 dead. Others offered such figures as 148, 150, 200, 300, 400 and 450. The Cheyennes carried off their wounded and many of their dead, so no one was really able to say how many were killed that day. Subscribe Today
Nor was anyone ever able to positively say how many of the dead were women and children. The eyewitness accounts, again, vary amazingly. John Simpson Smith–a trader and an interpreter who hated the colonel, but whose testimony is frequently quoted as though he were unbiased–said half the dead were men. Ed Guerrier, a half-Cheyenne, said two-thirds were women and children. Corporal Miksch said only about ‘twenty-five were full-grown men.’ Major Jacob Downing testified, ‘I counted about twelve or fifteen women and a few children.’ Lieutenant Cramer said two-thirds were women and children, but Stephen Decatur, acting battalion adjutant at Sand Creek, claimed only a few were. Colonel Chivington testified, ‘I saw but one woman who had been killed; I saw no dead children.’
It is just as impossible to determine how many Indian bodies were mutilated. Robert Bent, a half-blood, gave gruesome testimony about mutilated Indians. So did John Smith. On the other hand, Captain L. Wilson spoke of picking up a child off the field and giving it to one of the women. Major Downing testified, ‘I saw no soldier scalping anybody, but saw one or two bodies that had been scalped.’
Trying to determine who lied to the investigating committees is no easy task. Most likely, there was some scalping and mutilating of bodies. Both whites and Indians practiced that kind of warfare in that area and in that era. Many of the Colorado Volunteers believed the only way to fight Indians was the way Indians fought. The Cheyennes believed that if the body was mutilated, the person would have to go through his afterlife that way–a horrible fate. Therefore, many Colorado Volunteers believed that if they could put the fear of mutilation into the Cheyennes, then the Indians would be reluctant to risk war. And after Sand Creek, although the Indians conducted ferocious war in Kansas and Nebraska and twice raided Julesburg in northeast Colorado, they did not raid the settlements of the Denver area.
As to whether Black Kettle’s people were really at peace that November, there is some question. The chief had admitted at an earlier conference with Governor Evans that some of his warriors were not complying with his peace efforts. Also, some of them were up at the Smoky Hill camp, which was a center for anti-peace Cheyennes and Arapahos. That there were not as many warriors in Black Kettle’s village as the Colorado Volunteers expected might have been because more of them were up at Smoky Hill.
In the congressional hearings, Dr. Caleb Birdsall, assistant surgeon with the volunteers, testified that later in the day of the fighting, ‘a soldier came to the opening of a lodge and called my attention to five or six scalps….My impression was that one or two of them were not more than ten days off the head.’ Another doctor said he saw a great many white scalps–some freshly taken, one of them five to eight days before. War parties had certainly raided since the peace talks.
Was Sand Creek a battle or a massacre? The answer will never be agreed upon by all those who study it, but one piece of uncontested evidence should be given more attention than it has received. The fighting lasted from dawn until about 4 o’clock in the afternoon. There was also sporadic fighting the next day (November 30), with two soldiers and perhaps a dozen Indians being killed. In the two days of fighting, Chivington’s force suffered 54 casualties–14 troopers killed and 40 wounded. There is also some evidence that several Indian women joined the men in fighting from the pits in the sandy bank. There was very real fighting. The valley was not a shooting gallery. Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6Tags: 19th Century, American Indian Wars, Historical Conflicts, Native American History, The Wild West, Wild West
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4 Comments to “Sand Creek Massacre”
You sir, are a historical revisionist of the highest order. When all facts and testimony speak against your opinion, you rely on the fog of battle and conjecture as defense. You are of the same class as Abu Ghraib apologists. Shame.
By Jack Kemp on May 5, 2009 at 4:17 pm
You make a special effort to discredit or draw into question the historical record of opinion, as axes to grind. Judging from your summery, your own axe appears to be well honed into a glistening from the process. And thus suspect as those as you question. Why no mention of the human displays paraded at the Apollo? Don’t fit the narrative so well?
By Jack Chevalier on May 10, 2009 at 6:25 am
I do not see any literary or documentary references. How does anyone know what you are saying is true?? One thing I do not see is any research at the Colorado Historical Museum or any counties. This article sounds like it is appealing to a false authority and without any Bibliography or Citations, it seems very far fetched. There are two sides to the story but considering racism and bigotry, coupled with the lure of money – it is a very convincing argument. There is one problem: records indicate from Navajo sources that the Ute and Pawnee were taking children and selling them into slavery during the Taos slave trade during the 1600’s. There needs to be more consideration to other sources and accounts that contributed to the actions of the Southern Cheyennes. Research at the Colorado History Museum indicates there were not many ranches destroyed. Only one stagecoach was ransacked, a cow was killed, and there were two other incidents. The killing of the Rancher family was not caused by Southern Cheyenne as the video would like to protray. Even the video does not look deeper into the reasons surrounding why the Cheyennes left their homeland – which at the time was being taken by French, Dutch, Quakers, Puritans etc. Then there was the issue that Chivington stated that he wanted to fight against slavery? The main influence was obviously Lincoln and how the respect for Africans was increasing because of the Buffalo Soldiers. However, the psychological argument that is being developed is contradicted by the Southern Cheyenne being placed on desolate land with no food! He did not speak out about this, nor did he speak out about helping to assimilate them into what has become American culture. Then there is the land issue: Chivington did not say he wanted them to have any land or any rights. The Psychology argument is very weak and needs more development and right now, with the research I have done – the argument is very strongly against the fact that Chivington was a peaceful, god fearing man and one fact remains: Chivington did not in any account try to stop the men from firing and killing people; Chivington did not stop and talk with Black Kettle to see what he was holding in his hands. Diplomacy is what it has been called but gold, land, and a strange sense of trying to preserve families by taking land after a treaty was made and breaking treaties does not help your argument at all. Also, he would be a national hero because people were receiving land from the American government and he eliminated people that stood in the way of people owning land and making their money which was introduced and a system begun by Americans not the Indigenous. As a whole, your argument really falls short of what you are trying to prove – either by thinking it must be this way or just reading some information from a very narrow research of the topic. There were trade routes from Central Mexico to Canada and the fact that the dreamcatcher is in the Navajo culture but began in the Eastern Seabord tribes – before colonization by the Immigrants from Europe – indicates that the Cheyenne had to encompassed by this trade route and the limited information that the so called historians want to communicate without looking at all the information makes the idea that the Cheyennes before they were split into two bands by the Arapahoe before any agreement with them indicates more was occuring than these historians have spent time with researching. In New Mexico, plains designs appear that predate the 1700’s. The Southern Cheyenne language has the same “x” sound that is similar to Nahuatl and the Dine’/Navajo language. The Southern Cheyenne dialect and Northern dialect also indicate rising and falling tones of spoken language that is similar to the Hopi and more similarity with Navajo – this indicates that there was some type of connection that predates the 1700’s, so the historical account that the Cheyenne migrated here to Colorado had to be rethunk. The argument placed forth by the so called historians has been presented with no knowledge of language, or encompassing research. The Uto- Aztecan languages are not said to include the Navajo or Southern Cheyenne languages but upon further research into the Navajo and Nahuatl languages including Papago for still existent phonology, more neede to be researched before making some wild thought based argument. I would suggest some Psychology classes and looking into the Colorado Historica Museum. New Mexico has some great references especially at the UNM library. Arizona still has existent sounds of pronunciation for languages and New Mexico too. Psychology is the place to start and human behavior for the argument that you are trying to place forth!
By MATEO MIGUEL ROMERO on Jul 5, 2009 at 8:30 am
Another thing is that the historical account of the Tribes being split by the Arapahoe then the Southern Cheyenne making an agreement with them for peace – helps establish the Southern Cheyenne as being more prone to peace making than what this video would like everyone to believe:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gdCp7qLVGpg
By MATEO MIGUEL ROMERO on Jul 5, 2009 at 9:26 am