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Allied Airborne Forces in World War II: Surviving the Devil's CauldronBy Bernd Horn | MHQ | Single Page | one comment | Print This Post | Email This Post Brigadier James Hill, commander of the British 3rd Parachute Brigade during the Normandy invasion, warned his troops about the potential confusion they might face with these words: "Gentlemen, in spite of your excellent training and orders, do not be daunted if chaos reigns. It undoubtedly will." Although poorly trained and inexperienced aircrews were one reason contributing to poor drops, they were certainly not the only cause of parachutists not hitting their targets. The pilots faced dangerous assignments. Of 144 aircraft that left Africa carrying the U.S. 504th Parachute Infantry Regiment to Sicily, twenty-three never returned, thirty-seven sustained significant damage, and half the planes required major repairs before they could fly again. Flak and enemy air activity often caused pilots to take evasive action that created enormous difficulties for airborne soldiers and frequently resulted in missed drop zones. "As we approached the drop zone, the aircraft took violent evasive moves," recalled nineteen-year-old paratrooper Bill Lovatt. "As I approached the door, I was flung back violently to the opposite side of the aircraft in a tangle of arms and legs." On the evening of September 24, 1943, during the Russian Dnieper River offensive, Soviet pilots panicked when they reached the front lines and began to receive heavy anti-aircraft fire. Their drops were widely dispersed and off target. Of the 4,575 paratroopers and 666 cargo containers dropped, a total of 2,017 men (or 44 percent) and 590 cargo containers (89 percent) failed to reach their intended drop zone. Germans reported downing only three aircraft and one glider from a total of 296 sorties flown. This low kill rate strongly indicates that Soviet pilots overreacted and failed to push on to their objectives. This, however, was not only the Soviet experience. "We lost a number of people over the sea [on D-Day] from evasive action, who fell out," revealed American Captain Richard Todd. A Canadian, Sergeant John Feduck, was slightly more fortunate. "Before the light changed, the plane suddenly lurched," he remembered. "I couldn't hang on because there was nothing to hang on to so out I went—there was no getting back in." Luckily, he was over the coast of France. Inexperienced aircrews were also the reason for the disastrous drop of twelve hundred German paratroopers under the command of Baron von der Heydte during the Battle of the Bulge in December 1944. The crews were unable to maintain course or formation due to enemy fire. They released their Fallschirmjäger over such a large area that only a tiny fraction of the force was able to regroup. Not enough gathered to cut off American reinforcements coming south from Belgium to relieve the pressure created by the surprise German offensive in the Ardennes. Airborne soldiers faced still more challenges while parachuting to the battlefield, and paratroops are extremely vulnerable on landing. Individual soldiers, weapon systems, radios, and other equipment essential to the mission must all be brought together at a rendezvous point. This takes time. How long it takes depends on the accuracy of the drop. The greater the dispersion, the longer it takes to regroup, to assemble combat power. Clearly, there is a direct correlation between the time needed to assemble and the degree of surprise and shock the jump achieved. "The hardest part of the job wasn't the fighting, although that was hard enough at times," conceded Canadian Lt. Col. G.F.P. Bradbrooke, "but getting ourselves organized after we hit the drop zone." The location of the drop in relation to the enemy's position could also dramatically affect its success. "Those [Fallschirmjäger] dropped on the central sector fell right on top of my gun position," observed a British Royal Artillery officer serving at Heraklion on Crete in May 1941, "with the result that my small party of twenty-five men had to deal with vastly superior numbers of parachutists. However, they did more than deal with them," he bragged. "They almost completely destroyed them." Pages: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9Tags: 20th - 21st Century, Airborne Operations, Historical Conflicts, World War II
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One Comment to “Allied Airborne Forces in World War II: Surviving the Devil's Cauldron”
Mr. Horn's article is informative, and I believe, more accurate than most that I have read.
Airborne operations will always be among the most difficult to precisely execute, and I believe the difficulties do not, as it seems popular with some to imagine, stem from the use of novice or cowardly aircrews. The airborne aspect of the Normandy invasion in particular, seems to have become a focus for such myth and misinformation, to the extent that even the 101st Airborne Division's own website was forced to revise its web page, in the direction of reality. Even at that, it was hardly thorough.
Steven Ambrose, generally excellent author that he was, was even called to account for his fictionalization and denigration of airborne operations. He admitted it, but never offered an apology. Unfortunately, many parrot his writing on the subject.
To the alleged use of amateur flight crews in the Normandy operation, the answer lies in the fact that everyone, from Eisenhower on down knew that this was an operation that had to succeed, for there would be no second chance. The most experienced aircrews were therefore used, not the most recent graduating classes as some prefer to imagine. It should be remembered that the British considered that the entire airborne aspect of the Normandy operation would be completely hopeless (and the British were hardly short of experienced aircrews), and opposed it until it actually succeeded, even though they consented to participate
It was by their experience that the aircrews were able to get as many troops on target as they did, as they were operating without pathfinders, at night, in fog, over territory that they had never overflown before, and under intense enemy fire. Another myth maintains that they panicked in the face of the ground fire, and took evasive action. They were, however, as used to being shot at as any bomber crews, and were no more prone to breaking flight discipline than anyone. There was no accelerating, as the aircraft were spaced at 100 feet, measured from nose-to nose, and each aircraft took up 64 feet of that space. Accelerating would have produced an instant mid-air collision with the preceding plane. The tight formations were mandated by the necessity to put the troops on the ground in the maximum possible density. Similarly, there was no diving out of formation. Any aircraft which dives out of formation during a troop drop will be immediately colliding with the troopers who are parachuting from the planes in front of them, as all troops in a serial of planes jump at the same time. Anybody who put a paratrooper through his propeller and lived to tell about it, would shortly face a firing squad. It never happened.
Col. Robert Sink, Commander of the 506th Parachute Infantry Regiment, 101st Airborne Division, considered the difficulties of what they were about to undertake at Normandy. He was to fly in the lead aircraft of serial #11, comprised of almost 50 planes, which would carry his 1st Battalion. The pilot of his aircraft would be Col. Charles Young, Commander of the 439th Troop Carrier Group. Young commanded not only the 50 planes carrying the 1st Battalion, but also the approximately 50 planes carrying the second Battalion as serial #12, and 100 more which would tow gliders. Col. Sink may have been among the first of those to underestimate what the Troop Carriers could do: He told Young that he didn't believe that Young could put him on the ground anywhere near the farmhouse that was Sink's designated command post, in the conditions that they were about to fly into. Young bet 10 English Pounds that he could put Sink within 300 yards, and actually put Sink within 200 yards, dropping Sink's second officer into the farmyard in the process. The entire 1st battalion jumped at the same time, and serial#12 arrived six minutes later, dropping the 2nd Battalion right on top of the 1st. Serial #12 was led by one of Col. Young's senior Officers, and included Lt.Col. Robert J Martin, Young's Group Communications Officer (Martin had been in the Air corps since the 1930's). Later, in England, Col Sink paid Young – double.
It is true that a substantial number of troops were scattered, and some, badly. But in the prevailing conditions, it was actually a better drop than even Eisenhower had hoped for, and the strategic planning anticipated greater airborne losses and lesser effectiveness than actually resulted.
For the troops who were dropped wrongly, it can be said that it was, indeed, their resolve, and their willingness to fight alone if necessary, that paid dividends beyond their numbers, and even beyond the plan.
It is noteworthy that the troopers of Col. Sink's 1st and 2nd Battalions were actually strung out for over a mile. There is no inconsistency here in considering this particular kind of scattering to be a perfect drop, because it was.The normal jump time for a stick of paratroopers from a C-47 was 30 seconds, or one man per second. Essentially, they were hooked up to a static line, and they rushed the door. The jump speed was 120 mph, and in 30 seconds, the plane had traveled one mile. As all troopers in a squadron element jumped simultaneously, and as the planes were in train, the first man from the last plane and the last man from the first plane were separated on the ground by well over a mile. And this would be the least dispersion possible under daylight circumstances in peacetime.
In the invasion across the Rhine, about 200 B-24's were modified to airdrop heavy cargoes, and they went in with the troop carriers. The B-24 crews later said that they were used to taking 20mm hits, but from aircraft, not from ground guns, and that they were also used to having 88's go off in their laps, but not so close to the guns that they could hear them going off as well. They expressed a great admiration for the C-47 crews, who operated in that as a normal environment. I have an original letter dated 15 January 1945, from Gen. Anthony Mcauliffe to a Troop Carrier Wing Commander, expressing his appreciation for the actions of the C-47 units that resupplied him at Bastogne, some of them taking 25% casualties, and still returning the next day. It is unfortunate that some seem to have relegated the Troop Carriers to having given second-class service, and thereby, effectively relegated them to second-class graves.
By Dennis Moran on Dec 12, 2009 at 6:13 am