In contrast, Dewey decided he should take a low-key approach and emphasize his own broad program statements rather than attack his opponent. He had reason to believe he could simply march down the high road into the White House. A Gallup poll published in early August gave the New York governor 48 percent of the vote, with only 37 percent going to Truman, and just 5 percent to Wallace. A few days later, a Roper poll estimated Truman’s support at just 31.5 percent.

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The science of opinion polling was still in its infancy, but already the public and political leaders had come to rely on it. Pioneered by George Gallup, the polls used "quota sampling"–the selection of a small, diverse group of people representing the entire public–to draw broad conclusions. In the 1934 congressional elections, Gallup’s predictions were within one percentage point of the actual totals. In 1936, he accurately predicted the outcome of the Roosevelt-Landon race, and by 1940, 118 newspapers were carrying Gallup’s syndicated column, "America Speaks." People had faith in the accuracy of his predictions and those of his two chief rivals, the Roper and the Crosley polls, which used similar methods. Meanwhile, older, less scientific gauges also favored Dewey: professional gamblers in the country were offering odds of up to 30 to 1 against a Truman victory.

On the morning of September 17, Truman boarded the Ferdinand Magellan for his first major tour of the campaign. Vice presidential candidate Barkley exhorted him to "Mow ‘em down, Harry!" Truman responded, "I’m going to give ‘em hell." The tour took him cross-country to California, back through the Midwest and Northeast, and finally to his home in Missouri.

At his first major stop, at the National Plowing Contest in Dexter, Iowa, the president delivered a hard, clear message. "This Republican Congress has already stuck a pitchfork in the farmer’s back," he said. He pointed out that Congressional inaction in appropriating the funds for the construction of grain storage bins had forced many farmers to sell their crops at a loss, for prices below government minimums. "I’m not asking you to vote for me," Truman concluded. "Vote for your farms! Vote for the standard of living you have won under the Democratic administration."

Truman continued to attack the Republicans on the farm issue, among others, throughout the tour. The press noted that, while his audiences were large, they did not seem particularly enthusiastic. The reporters attributed the crowds to a natural curiosity, and reasoned that people wanted to see the president but were not necessarily interested in supporting him.

The press complained of the arrangements they had to endure on the Truman train. Their press car had no speaker system, so reporters had to scramble out into the crowd to hear what Truman was saying. Then they had to hustle back on board before the train pulled out. Because the president spoke from outline notes, the reporters did not always receive copies of Truman’s speeches ahead of time. The same apparently slip-shod manner applied to the correspondents’ living arrangements. They had no laundry facilities and, when the train made an overnight stop, the reporters had to find their own hotel accommodations.

There were no such complaints about the Dewey "Victory Special," which pulled out of Albany, New York, on September 19. There were more than 90 reporters aboard–more than double the number that accompanied the president–and they usually received copies of the candidate’s speeches a day in advance. The press car and both dining cars had loudspeakers, so writers did not even have to leave the train to hear Dewey speak. Campaign staff picked up and returned their laundry and arranged their hotel accommodations.

It was not just the mundane details of life aboard the Truman train that seemed disorganized. Funding was also a problem, with few people willing to contribute to what seemed a doomed campaign. The Truman tour came close to ending in Oklahoma City on September 28 when the railroad refused to move Truman’s train out of the yards until overdue charges were paid. Only a hasty fund-raising campaign initiated by Oklahoma Governor Roy Turner allowed the president to roll on.

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